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Log in through your institution journal article Land, Water, and Pueblo-Hispanic Relations in Northern New MexicoJournal of the Southwest Vol. 32, No. 3 (Autumn, 1990) , pp. 288-299 (12 pages) Published By: Journal of the Southwest https://www.jstor.org/stable/40169748 Read and download Log in through your school or library Alternate access options For independent researchers Read Online Read 100 articles/month free Subscribe to JPASS Unlimited reading + 10 downloads Journal Information Journal of the Southwest, founded in 1959 as Arizona and the West, began publishing in its current format in 1987. A refereed journal published quarterly by the Southwest Center at the University of Arizona, Journal of the Southwest invites scholarly articles, essays, and reviews informing any aspect of the Greater Southwest (including northern Mexico). Dedicated to an integrated regional study, the journal publishes broadly across disciplines, including: intellectual and social history, anthropology, literary studies, folklore, historiography, politics, borderlands studies, and regional natural history Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. Read Online (Free) relies on page scans, which are not currently available to screen readers. To access this article, please contact JSTOR User Support . We'll provide a PDF copy for your screen reader. With a personal account, you can read up to 100 articles each month for free. Get StartedAlready have an account? Log in Monthly Plan
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Log in through your institution journal article Conflicts and Accommodations: Hispanic and Anglo-American Borders in Historical Perspective, 1670-1853Journal of the Southwest Vol. 39, No. 1 (Spring, 1997) , pp. 1-32 (32 pages) Published By: Journal of the Southwest https://www.jstor.org/stable/40169998 Read and download Log in through your school or library Alternate access options For independent researchers Read Online Read 100 articles/month free Subscribe to JPASS Unlimited reading + 10 downloads Journal Information Journal of the Southwest, founded in 1959 as Arizona and the West, began publishing in its current format in 1987. A refereed journal published quarterly by the Southwest Center at the University of Arizona, Journal of the Southwest invites scholarly articles, essays, and reviews informing any aspect of the Greater Southwest (including northern Mexico). Dedicated to an integrated regional study, the journal publishes broadly across disciplines, including: intellectual and social history, anthropology, literary studies, folklore, historiography, politics, borderlands studies, and regional natural history Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. Lorenzo Candelaria’s life story centers around 4 acres of land in the south Atrisco Valley of New Mexico. Candelaria, 73, was born on this farmland. He's lived his whole life here. These days, he makes his livelihood growing fruits and vegetables under the farm name Cornelio Candelaria Organics. This land has been passed down through his family for eight generations, dating back to the Atrisco Land Grant of 1692, through which Candelaria's Spanish ancestors were gifted a large parcel of Native American land by the Spanish empire's monarchy. Now, Candelaria, who identifies as Latino, said he has never been more afraid to live in his homeland. “It has become very dangerous to be Mexican or Native, or to have that skin color,” Candelaria said. Many Latino Americans across the U.S. have expressed fear in the wake of the Aug. 3 mass shooting in El Paso, Texas, when a gunman murdered 22 people – most of them Latino – at a Walmart store frequented by Mexican nationals and Mexican Americans. The suspected shooter is believed to have posted a manifesto on the fringe online forum 8chan alerting of a “Hispanic invasion of Texas.” But in the Southwest U.S., some Hispanic Americans such as Candelaria can trace their families back many generations, when the region was presided over by Mexico, Spain and prior, Native American tribes. According to the Pew Hispanic Center, the nation's Hispanic population in 1860 was 155,000 people and 81.1% of whom had Mexican descent. They identify as American, Hispanic or Native American. They are sometimes subject to racism and discrimination because of the color of their skin or their last name, despite their centuries-long connection to the place they call home. Analysis:Trump used words like 'invasion' and 'killer' to discuss immigrants at rallies 500 times Some Hispanic people who live in Texas, New Mexico, Arizona or California say their Hispanic and Native American ancestors never crossed the U.S.-Mexico border. Rather, the United States acquired their land, either at the conclusion of the Mexican-American War in 1848 or after the ratification of the Gadsden Purchase of 1854, by which the U.S. acquired territories that came to include parts of present-day Arizona and New Mexico. Thus, the border, in effect, came to encompass them. Candelaria doesn’t identify as American. Nor does he see himself as Mexican, as the Mexican government only oversaw present-day New Mexico for 25 years. He calls himself “Nuevo Mexicano.” "I have a Native American village on both sides of my heritage, and I have my Spanish heritage," Candelaria said. "Spanish was the only language spoken in the house." While white settlers were initially invited to Texas by the Mexican government to boost population growth during the early 19th century, many didn’t follow the legal requirements. They flooded in illegally, before eventually edging Mexican residents of Texas out of the territory entirely. And though the state's borders were established during the mid-19th century, that boundary wasn’t closely enforced until more recently, according to Carlos Vélez-Ibáñez, founding director of the Arizona State University School of Transborder Studies. Vélez-Ibáñez said southern parts of the region have always been bustling with transborder communities, such as El Paso, where the city’s residents live in a bilingual, bicultural community alongside Ciudad Juárez, Mexico. He said that the name El Paso is actually short for “el paso del norte,” or the northern passage, adding that the Spanish coined the name because of the area’s reputation as a frequent migrant stop for northbound colonists. Last year, nearly 12.4 million personal vehicles crossed the Paso del Norte International Bridge that separates the two cities. Texas state Rep. Leo Pacheco, D-San Antonio, said he has the fairest skin of his eight siblings and is often seen as passing for white. He is a direct descendant of the Canary Islanders of Spain who founded San Antonio, Texas in 1731, as well as neighboring Native American tribes. Pacheco said he always believed he was Mexican, until he conducted a genetics test to learn he was, in fact, 30.8% Native American and 60% Iberian. “It was more of a label that was given to us by the Anglo society,” Pacheco said of the his Mexican identity. He said his pale skin and red hair have given him insight into the bigotry within his home state, albeit in conversations behind closed doors. Since Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, this racist rhetoric has gotten worse, he said. Many feel emboldened by Trump, who launched his presidential campaign in June 2015 by calling Mexican immigrants "rapists." That rhetoric has persisted throughout his presidency. Last week, The New York Times reported that Trump's re-election campaign has already run more than 2,000 ads on Facebook that feature the word "invasion." “They’d say these things in front of me, and then have a concerned look when they’d see I wasn’t laughing,” Pacheco said. “The sentiment has been there all along, but now they think it’s okay to be racist because of our leadership.” He views the country's demographic changes in this region as simply a righting of what has been taken from brown people on the continent for generations. The U.S. Census Bureau has predicted that the majority of the country will be composed of current minority populations by the year 2050. “This land was the brown people’s land to begin with,” Pacheco said. “It’s only returning to its natural state of order.” Patricia Perea, 43, is descended from people who lived in the Llano Estacado, a region that includes parts of eastern New Mexico and the Texas Panhandle. A first-generation college graduate, Perea decided to become a lecturer in the Chicana and Chicano Studies Department at the University of New Mexico because, when she was younger, she said she felt discouraged by her teachers from learning about Mexican American and Native American history in the region. “The thing that’s probably the most maddening is that, as Latinos or Latinx, we’re never thought of as being older members of U.S. history,” Perea said. “We’ve been here hundreds of years, so it’s frustrating to always be put in terms of immigrants.” According to a report released by the Pew Research Center in 2017, 34.4% of Hispanics in the United States are immigrants, dropping from 40.1% in 2000. Roughly 65.6% of Hispanics in the U.S. are native-born citizens. “Whether it’s New Mexico or any place in the Southwest, a lot of Mexican Americans, like people in my family that have been here over a few centuries, we’ve worked in communities with people who are more recently from Mexico or Central America, so a lot of us are intermarried,” Perea said. From an early age, Charles Dominguez, 23, can recall being chastised by classmates. They told him to “go back to where (he) came from,” despite the fact that he was already there. In reality, Dominguez’s family line predates the Gadsden Purchase in Arizona. They identify as Mexican American, a combination of the family’s past and present. As he’s gotten older, Dominguez, a student at Arizona State University, has come to cherish his family background, becoming involved in political activism for immigration and Latino issues in his home state. “This is my home,” Dominguez said. “My family has been here for generations.” Why were some settlers on the Great Plains called homesteaders?The government helped people to settle on the Great Plains. The government sold adults 160 acres of land for a small amount of money. If they could farm the land for five years, they could own it. A settler's home and land was called a homestead.
What encouraged settlers to move west to Great Plains?In 1862 the government encouraged settlement on the Great Plains by passing the Homestead Act. For a small registration fee, an individual could file for a homestead—a tract of public land available for settlement.
What were the discoveries that attracted prospectors and settlers to the boomtowns of the American West?The 1848 discovery of gold in the territory of California prompted 300,000 hopeful prospectors to flood into the region, altering it forever.
What specific needs facing settlers on the Great Plains led to new scientific discoveries and technological innovations in agriculture?New technology was needed to deal with the harsh, dry climate and densely packed soil of the Great Plains. Steel plows helped change the environment, making it fertile enough to support wheat cultivation.
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What was the relationship like between Hispanics in the Southwest and new settlers?
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